From Publishers Weekly
The central question of any study of Napoleon is whether he saved the French Revolution or buried it. Fighting through the tangle of two centuries of interpretation, Englund, who has taught courses on French history at UCLA and elsewhere, defends the French emperor where others criticize him and skewers him where other praise. He draws sufficient comparisons to Julius Caesar and Alexander the Great to please Bonaparte himself, but underplays his talent and skill at his early signature victories and questions whether the Directory needed a savior in 1799 when the young general arrived seeking that role. Napoleon emerges from this study not as a great leader but as a lucky one. If he was not a great tactician, then he was simply the right man for his time: decisive, flexible, inspiring; idealistic yet pragmatic; equipped to be the modern leader with the education of the aristocrat but the spirit of the common man. Readers who are not already steeped in the Napoleonic era may struggle to follow the narrative of events. Englund (The Inquisition in Hollywood, etc.) slips forward and back chronologically and often uses terms and names before he has introduced them or neglects to identify them at all. When he is interested in a particular event or interpretation, he offers a strong reading, as in examinations of Napoleon's popularity with soldiers and the distinctions between Napoleon as first consul and as emperor. Elsewhere, the writing becomes uneven, plagued by shifting tenses, elaborate phrasing and occasional awkward wordplay. Multiple epigrams in each chapter, ranging from the very familiar to the strikingly tangential, become an almost comical commentary on the complexity of reactions to Napoleon and the difficulty of providing a definitive interpretation. Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information, Inc.


From The Washington Post's Book World/washingtonpost.com
The Napoleon industry continues to produce books at a relentless pace. How can a reader keep up? We've had several recent biographies and a procession of studies on nearly every aspect of Napoleoniana, from his wives to his youthful literary exertions. Even the minutiae of his life and times send historians scurrying to the archives -- consider the scholar who spent seven years researching a single 1813 military campaign in Prussia. But with all the ink spilt on Napoleon, perhaps the most studied figure in human history, it is sometimes hard to get a clear fix on this man, who was small in stature but larger than life. A lively debate persists about the nature of his reign and the content of his character. Was he merely an upstart Corsican and craven dictator or a visionary leader and herald of modernity? He was a hero to Byron and Hegel in his own time, but in ours there has been a pronounced tendency to see him as a forerunner of Hitler, Stalin and 20th-century totalitarianism. Steven Englund, in his strikingly argued new biography, would have us think otherwise. Though the author, a freelance university lecturer, concedes that Napoleon would not have been a particularly nice man to have dinner with, he pointedly argues that Napoleon's rule, while dictatorial and authoritarian, was a far cry from Hitler's or Stalin's.Nor was it nearly as inhuman: "We search the annals of the First Empire in vain for crushing acts of pure evil, on the order of the Gulag, the Final Solution, the Night of the Long Knives." Still, if he has not quite reinvented Napoleon as an enlightened dictator, Englund takes the measure of his flawed character with an unusually nuanced sense of proportion. He is an animated, often witty stylist, who isn't reluctant to take shots at his subject's titanic self-regard: "Napoleon Bonaparte," Englund quips, "was a self made man, and he worshipped his creator." Thankfully, however, Englund goes light on the psychology. Napoloeon was a narcissist, yes, but hardly a warped little man with a mother fixation. ("True, he was short, at five feet three," Englund notes, "but not dramatically so for the era.") Englund's special focus is on Napoleon's "evolution as a political animal" and his dual identity as a warrior and statesman. The author rightly stresses Napoleon's complex, nettlesome entanglement with the ideals and consequences of the French Revolution, which "framed his consciousness and his conscience." It had profoundly altered the relationship between the citizen and the state; elections, parties, ideologies and representatives replaced old ties and feudal ways; mass politics was born. For a young Corsican officer, an outsider, this new world presented "radically new possibilities and challenges." He seized on every opportunity that came his way. He was a general at 26; his inspired, if ruthless, leadership carried him far on the field of battle. But for all of his military exploits and martial disposition, he was at heart a "homo politicus," Englund contends, one who "preferred the political life to the military." For Napoleon, power flowed from the state, which, in theory, derived from the sovereignty of the people as enshrined by the principles of the Revolution. He remained committed to civil equality, but he was no democrat. Englund pinpoints a crucial hallmark of Napoleon's political ideology, his preference for "the political" -- the management and formation of the state and the community -- over mere "politics," the freewheeling clash of interests found in America and Britain. As Napoleon surveyed the France of the 1790s, all he saw was bloody partisanship, the unfortunate byproduct of revolutionary energies, which, he felt, must be redirected. He believed that the mission of the new French state would be "to centralize and administer the nation -- and reduce and contain 'politics.' " Englund's incisive forays into political theory don't diminish the force of his narrative, which impressively conveys the epochal changes confronting both France and Europe. With a new France struggling to be born, rent by political terror and internal subversion within, confronted by the massed armies of Europe's royal powers without, we see Napoleon racking up one victory after another, tearing up the map of Europe in the process, founding republics and deposing monarchs. He seizes power in 1799 in a coup and becomes first consul; five years later, in an act of bombastic self aggrandizement, he crowns himself emperor of the French. "His Caesar-like restlessness and demonic struggle" plunge him into in a relentless series of epic battles against Britain, Russia and Austria, which lead to his defeat in 1815 at Waterloo. Englund's chapters on Napoleon's apotheosis and decline are often masterful, but his discussion of Napoleon's rule sometimes takes him dangerously close to apologizing for what seems like an exercise in absolute power. Through dissimulation, propaganda, demagogy and the manipulation of patriotic symbols (what Englund dubs "nation-talk"), Napoleon defeated "politics": "he, and nothing or no one else, became party, parliament, and politician." There would be no turning back to the bloody factionalism of the revolutionary years. Bonapartism, in Englund's memorable phrase, became a system where "all was done for the 'nation,' nothing by it." Still Englund, argues that his "appel au peuple" -- appeal to the people -- in the form of several plebiscites (which, however flawed, returned overwhelming endorsements) and his tolerance of constitutional checks on his power made his rule something other than despotic. In the end, Englund concludes, Napoleon "may ultimately be seen as a liberal [because] he sought, via a regime of laws and institutions, to elude profound political conflict." If all this doesn't quite add up, Englund should be commended for frequently challenging us to reconsider Napoleon and his turbulent era. Reviewed by Matthew PriceCopyright 2004, The Washington Post Co. All Rights Reserved.


From Booklist
Napoleon is most frequently lionized for his military genius; however, he always placed his military talents at the service of his larger political and personal goals. Historian Englund's biography focuses on Bonaparte's political goals, achievements, and methods. Some recent scholarship has emphasized Napoleon's Corsican origins and his supposed lifelong resentment of French arrogance, but Englund asserts that Napoleon was deeply committed to the ideals of the French Revolution, which allowed outsiders like him to rise as far as their talents could take them. Despite his later efforts to create a family dynasty based upon considerable political repression, Napoleon, Englund insists, remained devoted to many liberal, republican ideals. Englund is an excellent writer whose vivid prose brings the man and his times to life. Although his admiration for his subject seems to lead him to de-emphasize Napoleon's egotism and cynicism, this is still a valuable addition to our knowledge of one of the most compelling personalities in history. Jay Freeman
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved


Kirkus Reviews, October 20, 2003
An all-encompassing study . . . Englund is a stylish writer . . . A rigorous contribution to the literature surrounding Bonaparte and his time.


The New York Times Book Review, February 22, 2004
[A] lively biography . . . [Englund] provides readers with a fuller view of the man and his actions.


Library Journal, November 15, 2003
**starred review** Remarkable . . . Englund has produced a definitive work that belongs in every European history collection.


The New York Sun, January 14, 2004
A great work of empathy by a deeply knowing biographer . . . one of this new century's towering achievements in biography.


The Times (of London) Literary Supplement, February 20, 2004
Englund's fluent and engaging narrative perfectly captures its epic and dramatic qualities. . . . a veritable tour de force.


The Washington Post, March 7, 2004
Englund takes the measure of his flawed character with an unusually nuanced sense of proportion. . . . masterful . . . Englund should be commended.


Book Description
This sophisticated and masterful biography, written by a respected French history scholar who has taught courses on Napoleon at the University of Paris, brings new and remarkable analysis to the study of modern history's most famous general and statesman. Since boyhood, Steven Englund has been fascinated by the unique force, personality, and political significance of Napoleon Bonaparte, who, in only a decade and a half, changed the face of Europe forever. In Napoleon: A Political Life, Englund harnesses his early passion and intellectual expertise to create a rich and full interpretation of a brilliant but flawed leader. Napoleon believed that war was a means to an end, not the end itself. With this in mind, Steven Englund focuses on the political, rather than the military or personal, aspects of Napoleon's notorious and celebrated life. Doing so permits him to arrive at some original conclusions. For example, where most biographers see this subject as a Corsican patriot who at first detested France, Englund sees a young officer deeply committed to a political event, idea, and opportunity (the French Revolution) -- not to any specific nationality. Indeed, Englund dissects carefully the political use Napoleon made, both as First Consul and as Emperor of the French, of patriotism, or "nation-talk." As Englund charts Napoleon's dramatic rise and fall -- from his Corsican boyhood, his French education, his astonishing military victories and no less astonishing acts of reform as First Consul (1799-1804) to his controversial record as Emperor and, finally, to his exile and death -- he is at particular pains to explore the unprecedented power Napoleon maintained over the popular imagination. Alone among recent biographers, Englund includes a chapter that analyzes the Napoleonic legend over the course of the past two centuries, down to the present-day French Republic, which has its own profound ambivalences toward this man whom it is afraid to recognize yet cannot avoid. Napoleon: A Political Life presents new consideration of Napoleon's adolescent and adult writings, as well as a convincing argument against the recent theory that the Emperor was poisoned at St. Helena. The book also offers an explanation of Napoleon's role as father of the "modern" in politics. What finally emerges from these pages is a vivid and sympathetic portrait that combines youthful enthusiasm and mature scholarly reflection. The result is already regarded by experts as the Napoleonic bicentennial's first major interpretation of this perennial subject.

FROM THE PUBLISHER

This sophisticated and masterful biography, written by a respected French history scholar who has taught courses on Napoleon at the University of Paris, brings new and remarkable analysis to the study of modern history's most famous general and statesman.

Since boyhood, Steven Englund has been fascinated by the unique force, personality, and political significance of Napoleon Bonaparte, who, in only a decade and a half, changed the face of Europe forever. In Napoleon: A Political Life, Englund harnesses his early passion and intellectual expertise to create a rich and full interpretation of a brilliant but flawed leader.

Napoleon believed that war was a means to an end, not the end itself. With this in mind, Steven Englund focuses on the political, rather than the military or personal, aspects of Napoleon's notorious and celebrated life. Doing so permits him to arrive at some original conclusions. For example, where most biographers see this subject as a Corsican patriot who at first detested France, Englund sees a young officer deeply committed to a political event, idea, and opportunity (the French Revolution) -- not to any specific nationality. Indeed, Englund dissects carefully the political use Napoleon made, both as First Consul and as Emperor of the French, of patriotism, or "nation-talk."

As Englund charts Napoleon's dramatic rise and fall -- from his Corsican boyhood, his French education, his astonishing military victories and no less astonishing acts of reform as First Consul (1799-1804) to his controversial record as Emperor and, finally, to his exile and death -- he is at particular pains to explore the unprecedented power Napoleon maintained over the popular imagination. Alone among recent biographers, Englund includes a chapter that analyzes the Napoleonic legend over the course of the past two centuries, down to the present-day French Republic, which has its own profound ambivalences toward this man whom it is afraid to recognize yet cannot avoid. Napoleon: A Political Life presents new consideration of Napoleon's adolescent and adult writings, as well as a convincing argument against the recent theory that the Emperor was poisoned at St. Helena. The book also offers an explanation of Napoleon's role as father of the "modern" in politics.

What finally emerges from these pages is a vivid and sympathetic portrait that combines youthful enthusiasm and mature scholarly reflection. The result is already regarded by experts as the Napoleonic bicentennial's first major interpretation of this perennial subject.

FROM THE CRITICS

The New York Times

Englund seeks less to rehabilitate Napoleon's reputation and legacy than to provide readers with fuller view of the man and his actions … Englund, whose books include Grace of Monaco, also vividly details the violence of Napoleon's increasingly ambitious excesses. — Paula Friedman

The Washington Post

Englund's incisive forays into political theory don't diminish the force of his narrative, which impressively conveys the epochal changes confronting both France and Europe. With a new France struggling to be born, rent by political terror and internal subversion within, confronted by the massed armies of Europe's royal powers without, we see Napoleon racking up one victory after another, tearing up the map of Europe in the process, founding republics and deposing monarchs. — Matthew Price

Publishers Weekly

The central question of any study of Napoleon is whether he saved the French Revolution or buried it. Fighting through the tangle of two centuries of interpretation, Englund, who has taught courses on French history at UCLA and elsewhere, defends the French emperor where others criticize him and skewers him where other praise. He draws sufficient comparisons to Julius Caesar and Alexander the Great to please Bonaparte himself, but underplays his talent and skill at his early signature victories and questions whether the Directory needed a savior in 1799 when the young general arrived seeking that role. Napoleon emerges from this study not as a great leader but as a lucky one. If he was not a great tactician, then he was simply the right man for his time: decisive, flexible, inspiring; idealistic yet pragmatic; equipped to be the modern leader with the education of the aristocrat but the spirit of the common man. Readers who are not already steeped in the Napoleonic era may struggle to follow the narrative of events. Englund (The Inquisition in Hollywood, etc.) slips forward and back chronologically and often uses terms and names before he has introduced them or neglects to identify them at all. When he is interested in a particular event or interpretation, he offers a strong reading, as in examinations of Napoleon's popularity with soldiers and the distinctions between Napoleon as first consul and as emperor. Elsewhere, the writing becomes uneven, plagued by shifting tenses, elaborate phrasing and occasional awkward wordplay. Multiple epigrams in each chapter, ranging from the very familiar to the strikingly tangential, become an almost comical commentary on the complexity of reactions to Napoleon and the difficulty of providing a definitive interpretation. (Jan.) Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information.

Library Journal

This is a remarkable work of prodigious research and erudition. In a very thorough manner, Englund (Inquisition in Hollywood) examines the creation and short life of the Napoleonic state. Englund exudes a fascination with the nearly omnipotent power of Napoleon's personality and how it became entwined with the fate of over 43 million citizens of France. Through the genius of Napoleon, a strife-ridden country became a unified nation that strove to become an empire. According to Englund, the Napoleonic state was neither some hackneyed imitation of a European monarchy nor a Hitlerian progenitor. Instead, it was an expression of the Enlightenment's vision of a state based on the secular power of reason. Despite his obvious admiration for the Corsican, Englund is quick to point out that the inherent flaws of Napoleon's egomania doomed his vision for a unified Europe. In true scholarly fashion, Englund pays homage to scholars who do not cast an admiring eye on Napoleon Bonaparte and the turmoil he caused. The reader would do well to take Englund's advice and read Paul Schroeder's Transformation of European Politics 1763-1848 for a decidedly countervailing view. Englund has produced a definitive work that belongs in every European history collection.-Jim Doyle, Sara Hightower Regional Lib., Rome, GA Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information.

Kirkus Reviews